October, 2005

Democrats at the Crossroads

Rose Wu

Since the July 1 protests two years ago, the national leadership under President Hu Jintao has changed its policy toward Hong Kong, in particular toward the pro-democracy camp. Instead of isolated and marginalised, democrats are now recognised and co-opted by the central government in Beijing. Some may see this as a change in tactics to "divide and rule" the democrats. However, there is no doubt that the democrats and their allies are facing a harsh challenge of how to reposition and revise their strategy, to survive the wave of change in this unfamiliar political atmosphere.

Just a week before Vice President Zeng Qinghong visited Hong Kong on Sept. 10, Chief Executive Donald Tsang Yam-kuen initiated an offer for leading democrats to tour cities in the Pearl River Delta under the Legislative Council (Legco) banner, marking the first concrete step towards "reconciliation." In addition, all 60 Legco members were invited to a banquet with Zeng during his three-day tour of the city to open Disneyland.

Although Zeng vowed to listen to Hong Kong's people on the first day of his tour, he instead conveyed Beijing's current thinking on Hong Kong, and the message was clear during the briefing given by Zeng to Tsang and his cabinet on Sept. 11: the central government's love and care for Hong Kong was genuine, and Tsang had done a good job since he became chief executive in July. Thus, the people of Hong Kong should give him stronger support. He also urged the people of Hong Kong to set aside their differences and seek common ground in order to promote social harmony as well as economic development.

In response, Tsang pledged on behalf of himself and his ministers to make a greater effort and implement the principle of people-based governance. He also stressed that the people of Hong Kong are of one heart in our love for our country and Hong Kong. Because of this feeling, we can find harmony among our differences.

In order to state their position, but not to embarrass the vice president, the democratic allies issued a joint letter before dining with the visiting Chinese leader in which they urged Beijing to withdraw its decision against universal suffrage in 2007 and 2008, review the verdict on the crackdown of June 4, 1989, and release journalist Ching Cheong, who has been detained on the mainland since April.

However, outspoken Legislator "Long Hair" Leung Kwok-hung was not as polite as Tsang was about to speak at the banquet, shouting, "End one-party rule, return power to the people and reverse the verdict on June 4." As expected, he was removed from the banquet hall by several security guards. Leung complained that the organisers had placed him at a table where the press could not see him, and he was forced to take off his T-shirt which bore the slogan "Reverse the Verdict on June 4." Leung also reminded the public that the vice president had said he wanted to listen to different voices, and he just wanted to tell Zeng what the majority of people in Hog Kong are thinking. He said it was shameful that he was forced to leave the banquet.

After 16 years of ostracising members of the pro-democracy camp, Beijing is now adopting a more sophisticated strategy toward the democrats in Hong Kong. This approach is a significant readjustment since many of the democrats have not been permitted to enter the mainland since the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989. As commentator Frank Ching pointed out in the South China Morning Post (SCMP), by assuming a softer stance, the Chinese government not only wants to reduce controversy in Hong Kong; it also wants to neutralise the democrats by gradually reducing their popular support.

The democrats though were disappointed that Zeng did not respond to their plea for universal suffrage during his visit. Instead, the vice president called for all parties to be "generous for the common good" by "advancing prosperity through harmony." Ironically, but not unexpectedly, the vice president seemed to have much more interest in listening to the views of local business tycoons. During his three-day visit, he had breakfast with Hong Kong's wealthiest man, Li Ka-shing, and his two sons and met with many other businessmen as well.

While Zeng did not utter a word about constitutional reform, it was reported that he had a private session with Chief Secretary Rafael Hui Si-yan at a hotel. Some say it is likely they discussed this topic. Under the government's previously announced schedule, a task force headed by Hui was due to put forward by the end of September a "mainstream model" for election methods for the next chief executive and legislature.

Presently, the main issue is how the chief executive and legislature will be chosen in 2007 and 2008. According to a report in the SCMP, it appears that the government is planning to propose an increase in the number of Legco seats from 60 to 70. Of the 10 new seats, five will be allocated to geographical constituencies, and the remainder will be set aside for a functional constituency made up of all district council members. A source cited in the SCMP story said that all 529 councillors in the 18 districts, of whom 102 are appointed by the Hong Kong government, would also be included on the Election Committee to select the next chief executive.

Although the central government has adopted a different strategy to handle Hong Kong's democrats, it is quite clear that the Chinese government is not yet ready to give a clear timetable for the realisation of universal suffrage. Some commentators say that politics is the art of compromise and the democrats therefore should grasp this opportunity to improve relations with the mainland and not cling to the position of universal suffrage in 2007 and 2008, which has already been rejected by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC). Others say that politics is the art of the possible and the democrats thus should not bow to political reality and abandon their principle of seeking universal suffrage.

In this debate though, we should not forget that democracy is never a gift. The only prospect for democratisation still lies with people's participation. It is hoped the democrats will not forget this wisdom that was proven on the streets of Hong Kong on July 1, 2003, and 2004.